The "well-Regulated militia" is the National Guard of each of the fifty states, not the armed civilian militias.
The "state militia" in 1903 known as the Dick Act, the
state militias are the National Guard of the fifty states. Thus,
well-regulated militias, state militia and the National Guard
are more or less synonymous terms because they refer to the same
thing, though labeled differently to reflect the historical and
legal contexts in which they are used.
The "unorganized militia" also was established by the
Dick Act, you and I are subject by this statute to be called into
military service if and when our political representatives find
it necessary.
This federal statute, and similar statutes, do not give you and
me the legal right to go out and form our own private armed militia.
The "sedentary militia" is another term used to refer
to the unorganized militia that I just described.
The Federalists, who supported a strong federal government, Anti-federalists,
who feared a strong central government.
This was a debate of considerable weight and importance at the
time, and ultimately resulted in the constitutional provisions
for "well-regulated state militias" - the Militia Clauses
of the Constitution and the Second Amendment to the Bill of Rights-and
in a system of shared and federal control over the militias.
Clauses and Articles II of the Constitution to:
The Congress shall have the Power
[15] To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasion;
[16] To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the Militia
The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States,
The state militia referenced in the Militia Clauses of the Constitution
and in Article II, is regulated by the president, the Congress,
and the governors of the states.
The mission of the militia established by the Constitution is
to repel and suppress insurrections against the government.
The president, the Congress, and the state governors sharing command,
control, and regulatory authority - is quite a contrast to the
armed civilian militias that have no legal connection whatsoever
with either the Constitution, the president, the Congress, or
the state governments.
In 1972, the Militia Act, which established mandatory service
in the state militias, as well as membership and duty requirements.
By 1877, when state officials formed the National Guard Association,
in 1902, the Congress passed the Dick Act which established the
modern National Guard, replacing the state militias as they were
defined in the federal act of 1972.
The armed civilian militias that are organizing today are doing
so outside of any constitutional or statutory authority, and in
many cases are organizing and training in violation of state laws
that prohibit private armies paramilitary training.
They posses constitutional authority to organize and train, it
is important to recognize that they have no such authority.
They view the entire system of the federal government as having evolved out of control. They do not view the Clinton administration or the current Congress as illegitimate per se
So what comes under their indictment is the whole federal system
- the Constitution as we know it, the three branches of the federal
government, and federal regulatory and law enforcement agencies.
There is a perception that the government, though too much regulation,
is violating people's civil liberties and generally interfering
too much in people's lives.
The ideal government regulation theoretically strikes a perfect
balance between protecting public and private interests. But
there is probably no such thing as a government regulation that
perfectly strikes this balance.
This dichotomy between public and private interests exists with
respect to most government regulations. Perhaps the government
could do a better job of addressing the concerns of the private
interests impacted by government regulations. But there is no
credible argument that can be made that regulations duly enacted
by the federal government are unconstitutional. And this is precisely
the claim of many antigovernment extremists, including many of
the armed civilian militias.
White supremacy arguably fuels the engine of this movement, and
its role should not be underestimated. Ever since the government
of this country began rejecting invidious racial discrimination,
there has been a tension between those who believe in discrimination
and those who do not.
So, to a certain extent, the racist movement in this country,
by definition, going to be antigovernment, because the primary
means of eradicating racial discrimination is through public policy,
legislation, and court cases.
Racist and antigovernment attitudes will often coexist comfortably.
But the opposite will not always, be true; there are many people
with extreme antigovernment views who are not racists. But there
is a synergistic relationship developing here, because racists
are establishing bridges to a broad spectrum of people who are
against the government, not because they are racists, but because
they do not like taxes, or what is being taught in the public
schools, or what is going on with abortion rights or gun control.
However, to the extent that there is an engine driving the militia
movement, in terms of the leadership, there is a clear and unambiguous
racist connection to much of the leadership of the movement.
Waco and Ruby Ridge and the passage of the Brady bill were events
that most people in the antigovernment movement, racist and nonracist
alike, related to as evidence that ratified their worst fears
about government. These events, transformed the antigovernment
movement into an umbrella movement that now more or less accommodates
disparate groups that were not previously aligned or united.
I want to be clear about the fact that we are talking about a
very amorphous movement. We are not talking about a professional
association. There is no official structure or membership to
the antigovernment movement. There are some groups which call
themselves militias that are not militias at all in the sense
of acting as the paramilitary wing of the antigovernment movement,
while others that call themselves information groups or hunting
clubs do in fact constitute such militias. The best way to identify
the components of the militia movement is not to look at a group's
label, but at its characteristics.
Militia members who call themselves Constitutionalists recognize
only part of the Constitution. Constitutionalists do not recognize
the legitimacy of modern constitutional amendments. They refuse
to accept that the Constitution itself is a fluid document in
the sense that it allows for its own evolution through the enactment
of amendments.
They reject out of hand other important substantive components
of the Constitution, such as the Supremacy and Poverty Clauses.
Their readings of state power and federal authority in the Ninth
and Tenth Amendments are just totally wrong.
Estes Park, Colorado, in 1992 which was convened by Christian
Identity Pastor Pete Peters, and attended by Klansmen, neo-Nazis,
tax protesters, home schoolers, extreme gun rights activists,
and future militia leaders. Speakers at the conference included
Louis Beam, a former head of the Ku Klux Klan in Texas, and Larry
Pratt, head of the Gun owners of America and currently on leave
as co-chair of Patrick Buchanan's presidential campaign.
The meeting at Estes Park was called shortly after the confrontation
had ended between Randy Weaver and federal authorities at Ruby
Ridge. At this meeting, previously disparate and unconnected
groups came together and became the early organizers and members
of the extremist antigovernment movement that we see today, of
which the militia movement is a part.
Congressional hearings were held on the Weaver incident, five
high-ranking FBI officials were demoted, and the FBI's policy
regarding the use of force was reexamined. The behavior of some
of the federal agents involved in this incident appears to have
been improper with regard to the resort to deadly force. But
the extremists have extrapolated from the tragic mistakes that
took place at Ruby Ridge, and have applied them across the board
to every federal law enforcement agent, arguing that the entire
federal government is a tyranny that requires an armed citizen
response on a mass scale.
Our country was founded by rugged individualists who became accustomed
to making decisions in their lives relatively unconstrained by
governmental regulation. This era, when people moved west to
settle the country with their guns and families, is romanticized
by the antigovernment movement as a utopian period in the country's
history.
But that era is long past; there were far fewer people in the
country then, our natural resources were abundant and pristine,
and there were no modern communication or transportation systems,
which made whatever government regulations that might have existed
less enforceable.
Today we are a country of over 260 million people, resources are
scarcer, and there is a heightened concern for protecting the
environment. We also have highly developed communication and
transportation systems that make previously secluded areas of
the country accessible to almost anyone. As a result, the government
now has the ability to monitor compliance and enforce these laws.
In general, a debate about the reach of federal authority is certainly
appropriate if it takes place within an informed and balanced
view of federal power and its constitutional parameters.
Those in the antigovernment movement have expanded their notion
of individual rights beyond that which the Constitution actually
provides, and have fallen into a conspiracy mentality that is
irrational and, again, has little to do with what the Constitution
and constitutional rights are about. Much of this talk about
federal tyranny has to do with people claiming rights which simply
do not exist. If you are someone who believes that whites are
superior and blacks are inferior, the fact that an antidiscrimination
law or hate-crime law exists is going to be a big problem for
you. And if you are someone who believes that the government
has no right to tax a portion of your income, the fact that there
are taxes is going to shake you to the core. Likewise, if you
believe that you have a constitutional right to possess and purchase
any kind of firearm at any time with no restrictions, then you
will view gun control as evidence of a tyrannical government.
Or if you claim a sovereign right as an individual citizen to
use federal land in any way that you wish, then you will view
federal land management and environmental regulations as tyrannical.
The fact is that the federal government has the constitutional
authority to do all these things - to enact antidiscrimination
and gun-control laws, to tax people's income, and to regulate
federal lands. But the notion that the government does not have
this authority makes many people see the government as the biggest
enemy and threat to their way of life.
The people who are against land-use and environmental regulations
are much more likely to be in rural areas, or in western states
where much of the land is owned by the federal government. And
if you have Second Amendment extremists who are active in this
movement, who generally also live in rural areas. The same is
true for tax protesters; the movement generally, it is not a metropolitan
movement. The kinds of concerns they have are less prominent
in urban areas.
There is a large body of people out there who think that the government
does not work well for them on a number of levels.
But there is a big difference between saying that something is
not working well and needs to be fixed through legal and political
mechanisms, and contending as the extremists do that the government
is illegitimate and declaring outright war against it.
Most people will say that the appropriate response is to work
through existing peaceful mechanisms, through the political process,
through education, through the press, through a variety of legal
means that have made our Constitution the oldest Constitution
in the world. Anyone can say there is something wrong. But the
question is, does that mean we destroy democracy and the Constitution
to deal with the problem? Those in the antigovernment say yes.
Our process, with its checks and balances, in many ways is supposed
to be a maze. It is supposed to put up obstacles against certain
kinds of fundamental change; and if we have a marketplace of ideas,
we might not get an immediate solution, but we are likely to get
a well-thought-out solution, and we are likely to get one that
reflects the democratic ideals upon which our country is founded.
For many people, this is frustrating. But it is important to
recognize that, in a democracy such as ours, although we often
do not like the result we get, the process itself is a legitimate
one.
Our society is based on addressing and resolving societal problems
through various peaceful mechanisms. This might not be the most
efficient way to do business, but it is most likely to result
in a peaceful resolution of grievances that reflects the view
of a majority of our citizens, while at the same time protecting
the rights of the minority. So on this level, the threat that
exists is the threat of intimidation, simply by virtue of the
fact that some private citizens are militarily organized, heavily
armed, and extensively trained for violence against the peaceful
conduct of government and public business.
On another level, militia members and armed extremists are actually
threatening government officials and interfering with their ability
to do their jobs properly. We have a range of government employees,
including judges, prosecutors, tax collectors, forest rangers,
and police, who are actually being threatened or met with violence
from antigovernment extremists. And this has happened and is
happening in many parts of the country.
The actual threat and use of violence against public officials
by antigovernment extremists is a pretty widespread phenomenon
at this point.
These incidents involve people who are carrying out their terrorist
political objectives. Intimidating public officials or obstructing
them in the administration of their duties is a crime, as are
the traditional crimes of assault and making threats.
A threat issued against a public official constitutes a crime
depends on the context in which the threat is issued. Whether
you have the ability to carry out the threat, whether the threat
is directed at a particular person, or whether the threat specifies
an attack at a particular time - these are the kinds of things
that determine the criminality of a threat against a public official.
Kenneth Toole, Director of the Montana Human Rights network, writes:
Militia members are politically active, threatening public
officials, talking about the need to "war" with their
enemies. How comfortable would you be signing a letter to the
editor, showing up at a community meeting, running for office?
The main impact of the militia movement has been its thuggish
intimidation of grass-roots democracy in small communities across
America. In some counties the fear created by the militia is akin
to that produced in the South by the Ku Klux Klan in the 1960's.
Public officials and private citizens actually have to weigh
whether speaking their minds will result in an armed response
from the local private armies
This is serious business indeed
and constitutes plain and simple terrorism.
Part of the problem that we have had in addressing this threat
is that we have not fully utilized to date those laws and methods
that we have at our disposal for dealing with extremist violence.
We can also enforce existing weapons and explosive laws.
I think that the keys to addressing this issue are some of the
tools that we already have at our disposal in various states.
For example, seventeen states have laws on the books that ban
paramilitary training, another seventeen states have laws that
ban private armies, and another seven states have laws that ban
both paramilitary training and private armies. Increased enforcement
of these laws, though not always easy, is one of the available
remedies that is constitutional. To the extent that there are
states that do not have these laws, they should enact and enforce
them.
There is also a federal statute that prohibits paramilitary training,
but this law only punishes trainers; it does not punish the trainees.
We should close this loophole to prohibit people from receiving
paramilitary training and instruction.
These statutes, both at the state and federal level, are constitutional.
There are remedies for this problem within the traditional criminal
law context.
Perhaps the most misunderstood provision of our Constitution is
the Second Amendment. The Second Amendment simply does not provide
a private individual with the right to own or possess a firearm.
Every modern federal court decision to the subject confirms this.
Moreover, the Second Amendment does not give private citizens
the right to establish and maintain their own private armies.
The Second Amendment's "right to bear arms" has been
interpreted by the courts to protect state-sponsored militias
from undue federal interference.
Case law on the subject includes two Supreme Court cases - United
States vs. Miller and Lewis v. United States. The
Miller case is the principal modern case on the Second Amendment.
The case involved a violation of the 1934 National Firearms Act
by two defendants, who were charged with transporting an unregistered
sawed-off shotgun in interstate commerce.
In Miller, the Court decided that the Second Amendment exists
to protect state militias, and it is only in the context of the
protection of state militias that the amendment should be analyzed
and applied. The Court analyzed the right found in the Second
Amendment in relation to the preservation of a state militia,
and simply found that individualized ownership of a sawed-off
shotgun did not come within that right.
The Lewis case dealt with a provision in the 1968 Gun Control
Act, which prohibited the possession of guns by convicted felons.
The Court looked at the hierarchy of constitutional rights, and
looked at gun rights in the context of this hierarchy. In the
Lewis case, the Court found that the right protected by the Second
Amendment was not a fundamental constitutional right, and that
legislative restrictions on the right did not require the Court
to apply strict review to the case.
You may remember that the Supreme Court was asked to analyze this
case in the context of gun ownership being a fundamental right.
There are certain rights in the Constitution - such as freedom
of speech, freedom of religion, freedom of the press - that are
regarded as fundamental rights. Our fundamental constitutional
rights are protected from governmental intrusion by the application
of this rigorous test of judicial review.
On the other hand, the Supreme Court uses another standard of
judicial review when determining the constitutionality of restrictions
on rights that are not fundamental rights. This lower standard
of judicial review is called rational basis scrutiny, because
the standard that the Court applies to the restriction is a determination
whether or not there is a rational basis for the government's
restriction on whatever right might be at issue.
The fact that the Supreme Court applied rational basis scrutiny
as opposed to strict scrutiny in the Lewis case leads to the conclusion
that there is no fundamental right to keep and bear arms under
the Second Amendment. The right does exist under the Second Amendment
- of the well-regulated state militias to keep and bear arms -
is a constitutional right, but it is not one of the upper echelon
fundamental rights.
In the political arena, however, the meaning of the Second Amendment
is very different. It is invoked to argue that gun control violates
the Constitution. This argument is simply not accurate. Whatever
restrictions the Second Amendment places on governmental activity
only apply to the actions of the federal government. Unlike other
rights found in the Constitution, the Second Amendment has never
been held by the Supreme Court to restrict the conduct of states.
The Second Amendment still allows the states full authority to
restrict gun ownership.
The Supreme Court has found that the Fourteenth Amendment protects
citizens not only from the infringements of rights by the federal
government, but from the state governments as well. The Sixth
Amendment right to a jury trial and the First Amendment right
to freedom of speech have been held to apply to the states. However,
the Second Amendment has never been held to apply to the states.
The Second Amendment merely protects the right of the well-regulated
militias of the states as instruments of state government. It
does not protect private gun ownership.
In the Miller case, the Supreme Court ruled as follows:
In the absence of any evidence tending to show that possession
or use of a [shotgun] at this time has some reasonable relationship
to the preservation or efficiency of a well-regulated militia,
we cannot say that the Second Amendment guarantees the right to
keep and bear such an instrument.
In the Lewis case, while quoting from Miller, the Supreme Court ruled as follows, while reviewing the constitutionality of the provisions in the 1968 federal Gun Control Act:
These legislative restrictions on the use of firearms are neither
based upon constitutionally suspect criteria, nor do they trench
upon any constitutionally protected liberties
The Second
Amendment guarantees no right to keep and bear a firearm that
does not have "some reasonable relationship to the preservation
or efficiency of a well-regulated Militia.
In United States v. Hale, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit, while referring to Miller, stated:
Considering this history, we cannot conclude that the Second
Amendment protects the individual possession of military weapons
The
rule emerging from Miller is that, absent a showing that the possession
of a certain weapon has "some reasonable relationship to
the preservation or efficiency of a well regulated militia,"
the Second Amendment does not guarantee the right to possess the
weapon.
The decision in Hale was rendered more than fifty years after Miller, so that should give you a sense of the uninterrupted precedent that Miller has set. And there have been many other federal cases on the Second Amendment in between. For example, in Stevens v. United States, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit said:
Since the Second Amendment right "to keep and bear arms"
applies only to the right of the state to maintain a militia,
and not to the individual's right to bear arms, there can be no
serious claim to any express constitutional right of an individual
to possess a firearm.
Another important federal case was United States v. Warin,
where the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit turned away
a Second Amendment challenge to a federal law requiring the registration
of automatic weapons. In Warin, the Sixth Circuit stated that
"[I]t is clear that the Second Amendment guarantees a collective
right rather than an individual right," and referred to the
"erroneous supposition that the Second Amendment is concerned
with the rights of individuals rather than those of states.
All of the federal cases on the Second Amendment and federal gun-control
laws since Miller, and there are perhaps fifteen or twenty, have
ruled that the amendment does not give private citizens the right
to purchase or possess firearms, or to form a private army.
The militias do not recognize the courts' interpretation of the
Second Amendment, either because they do not recognize the legitimacy
of the federal judiciary, which is the case with many antigovernment
extremists, or because they do not agree with the Supreme Court's
interpretation in the Miller case.
In an important law review article on the Second Amendment, gun
rights, and the meaning of constitutional references to the militia,
Keith Ehrman and Dennis Henigan write that "[t]he proposition
that Miller recognizes the protected status of any weapon that
could have a military use has been rejected by every court which
has addressed it." The authors write: "This argument
seems absurd on its face, because it would accord constitutional
protection to machine guns, bazookas, hand grenades, and other
military hardware of staggering destructive potential."
Yet this is precisely the argument that the NRA and militia groups
advance when they claim constitutional protection for these kinds
of weapons.
In 1942, three years after the Miller case, the U.S. Court of
Appeals for the First Circuit rejected a Second Amendment challenge
to the 1938 Federal Firearms Act, which prohibited fugitives and
felons from transporting firearms in interstate commerce. In
this case, Cases v. United States, the First Circuit, while
referring to "distinctly military arms, such as machine guns,
trench mortars, anti-tank or anti-aircraft guns" argued that
"it would be inconceivable that a private person could have
any legitimate reason for having such a weapon." Ehrman
and Henigan further observe: "The court in Cases also
recognized that since some sort of military use seems to have
been found for almost any modern lethal weapon, to read Miller
to grant constitutional protection to all weapons of military
potential would be to empower the federal government to regulate
only weapons which can be classified as antiques or curiosities,
such as the flintlock musket.
The key to understanding the federal courts' interpretation of
the Second Amendment lies in the nature of the debate at the Constitutional
Convention between the Federalists, who favored a strong government,
and the Anti-Federalists, who feared a strong federal government.
Ehrman and Henigan describe the debate at the Constitutional Convention:
Nowhere in the Constitutional debates was there a discussion
of a right to keep and bear arms. The delegates at the Convention,
however, did spend a good deal of time debating the roles of the
army and militia, and these discussions are vital in understanding
the Second Amendment
In the context of the Constitution,
the militia was viewed as a state-organized, state-run body, it
was not simply a term for the citizenry at large
The militias
were seen as state units which could be armed by the government,
and which could be called out be the states to quash rebellions,
and defend the state from invasion.
This is why the courts have never ruled that the Second Amendment
gives private individuals a constitutional right to have a gun.
The insurrectionist mission of the private militias of today is
totally antithetical to the mission of the state-sponsored militias
of the colonial period, which, in part, was to subdue armed insurrections
against the state.
A handful of legal scholars as well have made this argument in
law review articles that dissent form the judicial consensus on
the meaning of the Second Amendment.
The most prominent scholar to argue that the Second Amendment
gives private citizens the right to armed insurrection against
the federal government is Professor Sanford Levinson. Levinson
argues that by creating an armed citizenry at large to be the
militia, and by giving that right to individual citizens, the
Second Amendment provides a right to armed opposition against
a tyrannical government. This interpretation of the Second Amendment
is known as the insurrectionist theory that the armed private
militias subscribe to.
However, our Constitution provides institutional and procedural
checks and balances, and also establishes individual freedoms
as fundamental rights, to legally and peacefully prevent the formation
of a tyrannical government. We have three branches of government
- legislative, executive and judicial - with no single branch
being superior or totally unaccountable to the others. And we
have the Bill of Rights that protects individuals from government
encroachment.
This constitutional framework is a magnificent and brilliant charter
for the governance of a free people. There simply is no right
to armed insurrection in the Constitution. The belief in such
a right poses a grave danger to the Constitution. And a very small
handful of legal scholars and gun-rights lobbyists who are proposing
the existence of a constitutional right to armed insurrection
are perpetrating a dangerous fraud upon this country.
We should be asking advocates of the insurrectionist theory how
this theory would be put into practice. Who is going to determine
when the government has become tyrannical? What is the reach
of the right in terms of the weapons that we are entitled to have?
What are the parameters of this kind of armed engagement against
the government? Do citizens really have a constitutional right
to attack with military weapons the Supreme Court, or the Congress,
or the White House, or federal buildings and federal employees?
If this were really a constitutional right, wouldn't there be
some guidance in the Constitution to help us answer these very
disturbing questions?
Dennis Henigan is probably the leading litigator and writer in
the country today on constitutional issues relating to firearms.
This is what he had to say recently about Sanford Levinson's
insurrectionist theory of the Second Amendment:
And some serious questions need to be asked of someone like Levinson.
For example if there is this constitutional right, and if it
is individual in nature, does it encompass as individual's right
to determine when government has gone too far? Obviously, Levinson
would not want government to determine that because that would
defeat the right. So, if it is to be an individual right, in
any meaningful sense, then I as an individual must have the constitutionally
guaranteed right to decide when my government has gone too far
and then to take up arms against it.
Well, if that's where we are going with this, does that mean that
I have the constitutional right to assassinate public officials
if I believe in good faith that they have gone too far? Would
the Ku Klux Klan have the constitutional right to attack public
school officials who are trying to enforce desegregation because
the Klan believed in good faith that that was tantamount to tyranny?
I can't imagine any person taking that view of our Constitution,
and yet it seems to me to be a view that is the logical extension
of Levinson's theory of the Second Amendment, as well as the NRA's
theory of the Second Amendment, and the logical extension of all
of the rhetoric we hear about having the right to bear arms in
order to resist tyranny.
If this is seriously being suggested as a constitutional right,
then these advocates, I believe, are sowing the seeds of anarchy
in this country.
During or before the time when George Washington was president,
armed rebellions were put down - the Whiskey Rebellion in 1794,
for instance, as well as Shays Rebellion in 1786. There is simply
no basis, either in history, law, or logic, for this insurrectionist
theory.
The militias also see their existence justified by the Second
Amendment in the sense that the amendment provides for the establishment
of a well-regulated militia. The militias point to their command
structure and training and say that they are well regulated.
Actually, the more organized and well-trained an armed militia
group is, the more likely it will be that they are engaged in
illegal organizing and training.
Although citizens are free to organize to oppose government policies,
there is no constitutional right for a citizens' organization
to posess firearms. This does not mean that individual militia
members cannot legally possess firearms. And if a group legally
possesses firearms, then they do have a constitutional right to
associate if they are not a military organization. But this is
totally different from arguing that an individual or a group has
a constitutional right to possess firearms and to organize as
a private military force. Such rights simply do not exist under
the Constitution.
So we should distinguish between the rights that are granted by
the Constitution and rights that exist under statutory law. For
example, the purchase and possession of automatic weapons - machine
guns - is prohibited by federal law. Thus, any militia member
in possession of a machine gun would be violating federal law.
However, a militia member who possesses a firearm in compliance
with federal law legally possesses that firearm. But he does
not have a right to use that firearm for paramilitary training,
and he can be prevented from using a firearm for such training
if state or federal law prohibits paramilitary training.
The Second Amendment does not prevent the enactment of federal
or state gun-control laws. But citizens can still retain a right
to firearms possession through statutory law and under state constitutions
so long as they do not conflict with federal provisions. Such
regulations reflect the government's interest in public safety,
and not some clandestine government conspiracy to disarm the country
for the purpose of an armed takeover by whomever.
The controlling Supreme Court case ruling on the status of private
armies and military training is Presser v. Illinois, an
1886 case. In this case the Superior Court upheld the authority
of the state of Illinois to ban private military organizations.
Remember that we mentioned before how the Second Amendment has
never been applied to limit states. Based on this fact, Presser
is still good law and has never been overturned. Let me quote
a key passage from the Presser ruling:
The right voluntarily to associate together as a military company
or organization, or to drill or parade with arms, without
an Act of Congress or law of the State authorizing
the same, is not an attribute of national citizenship. Military
organization and military drill and parade under arms are subjects
especially under the control of the government of every country.
They cannot be claimed as a right independent of law. Under
our political system they are subject to the regulation and control
of the State and Federal Governments, acting in due regard to
their respective prerogatives and powers. The Constitution and
laws of the United States will be searched in vain for any support
to the view that these rights are privileges and immunities of
citizens of the United States independent of some specific legislation
on the subject.
The Presser case is key to our statutory remedies banning
militia organizing and training, and its ruling places civilian
militias as well as paramilitary training outside the protections
of the Constitution.
In the 1980's, the Klan in Texas has created their own private
army, which was intimidating and terrorizing Vietnamese fisherman
in Galveston Bay.
The court also enjoined the Klan for operating a private paramilitary
army in Texas in violation of Texas law. The court in this case
ruled that "Texas has the power to regulate the formation
of private armies and such regulation does not violate either
[the] First or Second Amendment." It also said that its
"[I]njunction against a private association's military activities
does no violence to the Second Amendment" and that "[t]he
Second Amendment does not imply any general constitutional right
for individuals to bear arms and form private armies."
The federal district court in Houston in the Vietnamese Fishermen
case cited Presser as the Supreme Court precedent in this
area, and also cited a ruling in the 1940's by a New York State
appellate court in a case involving an armed civilian militia
in New York. In Application of Cassidy, the New York ruled
as follows, as excerpted by the federal court in Vietnamese
Fishermen:
There can be no justification for the organization of such an
armed force. Its existence would be incompatible with the fundamental
concept of our form of government. The inherent potential danger
of any organized private militia, even if never used or even if
ultimately placed at the disposal of the government, is obvious.
Its existence would be sufficient, without more, to prevent a
democratic form of government, such as ours, from functioning
freely, without coercion, and in accordance with the constitutional
mandates.
Theses three cases - Presser, Vietnamese Fishermen, and
Application of Cassidy - show that the Second Amendment
does not protect the formation and existence of private armies,
and is not a barrier to legislation banning private armies and
paramilitary training.
The First Amendment does not protect the right of people to assemble
with the intent of committing a civil disorder. It protects "the
right of the people peaceably to assemble." And Presser
has ruled that private armies are not protected by the Constitution.
The government often regulates associational relationships.
Marriages, dwelling occupancy, and professional licensing are
a few examples of regulated associations. So neither the First
Amendment nor the Second Amendment bars states from prosecuting
individuals under the statutes that prohibit paramilitary training
and militia organizing.
With these statutes the government can target militias, but not
because it finds their antigovernment rhetoric repulsive. Rather,
it targets them because of the dangers private armies pose to
a democratic society - because of the inherent risk to societal
order in having private military bodies with sophisticated military-type
weapons unanswerable to any kind of governmental authority.
And because of the inherent threat posed by private armies, the
government has a compelling state interest to being these bodies
under its regulatory authority. But the government has a responsibility
to enforce these kinds of laws in a content-neutral manner, and
cannot target groups for selective enforcement because it does
not like the ideas that the groups are expressing.
The First Amendment protects freedom of association, and it protects
the expression of ideas - even unpopular ideas. But it does not
protect the right of individuals to gather at any time and in
any manner in which they see fit. The First Amendment's guarantees
apply to the right of people to peaceably assemble and to petition
the government for redress of grievances, and the First Amendment
most vigorously protects those associations that involve the peaceful
expressions of political ideas.
Leaderless resistance is a way of organizing that has been put
forth most recently by white supremacist and militia leaders,
and which creates small autonomous groups of armed individuals
poised to commit random acts of sabotage and terrorism. They
are not part of an organized command and control structure per
se. They do whatever they like, separate from any chain of command
or authority, to inflict damage or injury to infrastructure targets
or innocent citizens.
This is more difficult to address by any single new statute.
Certainly to the extent that they engage in paramilitary training
they would violate paramilitary training statutes. To the extent
that they plan to commit criminal acts, they would violate conspiracy
statutes. If they are seeking to overthrow the government, they
would be in violation of treason statutes.
We are not merely limited to the application of the anti-militia
and anti-paramilitary training laws in dealing with the proliferation
of militia groups and underground terrorist cells. But certainly
the anti-militia and anti-paramilitary training laws are part
of an overall framework for state and federal prosecutors in deterring
and preventing violent activity.
These laws are vastly under-enforced, but not necessarily due
to malevolence on the part of prosecutors. Although we have had
private armies around for some time, the way they exist now is
a relatively new phenomenon. Also, I think in many places local
authorities might be intimidated by these groups, and many of
these militia groups have not committed the kind of overt activities
that would cause them to come under the scrutiny of local authorities.
It is very difficult to get information about what people are
doing. The fact that someone is dressed in camouflage and has
a rifle is not in and of itself an indication of a criminal act.
We need to be very careful not to tread on the rights of innocent
people.
If you have a private army in a state that has an anti-militia
statute, and the members of that army merely associate together
as an organized body - they do not even have to train - that is
a crime. And that is punishable.
I think though that there is a problem with regard to evidence.
And that is, the association of a bunch of people in uniform
with weapons does not make an army for the purposes of a criminal
conviction. You would have to show that they are a military-type
body. And certainly an association of people with weapons is
probative of that. But if some good ol' boys dress up in camouflage,
even if it is together in a group, without some other kind of
corroborating evidence that this group is a private army or militia,
it is insufficient to establish the violation of an anti-militia
statute.
There are many factors that come into play that make enforcement
of laws that are on the books difficult. We just covered evidentiary
problems. But there is also a problem in the sense that in many
states these laws have not been tested very much. Law enforcement
officers may not be familiar with them. Given the way that many
of these groups operate, the prosecutors may not know that they
exist. Also, many times in the hierarchy of criminal activity,
these prosecutors might feel that they would have a stronger case
in court if they waited for some kind of more overt activity.
In many instances, frankly, there is an intimidation factor.
There is a big problem with not enforcing these laws, which is
that individuals within these private armies will become emboldened
by the lack of enforcement. They will take non-enforcement by
the lack of enforcement. They will take non-enforcement as a
tacit sign of approval for their activities, which are at the
very least intimidating, and at the most represent a serious potential
threat of violence and a threat to democracy. Their stated purpose,
their access to sophisticated military weapons, and the fact that
they train for violent actions pose a significant threat to orderly
democracy. And many militia members talk openly of resorting
to the cartridge box instead of the ballot box. And I think that
the implementation of that course of action through militiaristic
organizing is dangerous and should be dealt with firmly, squarely,
and unambiguously when appropriate.
There are enforcement and evidentiary problems with prosecuting
individuals under nearly every criminal law, and that is how it
should be in a free society, because this constrains the government
from incarcerating people at random. But just because I point
out legitimate issues that need to be dealt with in terms of enforcement
and evidence does not mean that states should not be enforcing
these laws.
The concept that state or county laws can trump federal law is
just not found in the Constitution; in fact, the situation is
quite the contrary. Article VI, section 2 of the Constitution,
known as the Supremacy Clause, is unambiguously clear about federal
authority, and makes federal law the supreme law of the land in
the United States. So there is no constitutional basis for claiming
that county law is supreme.
In addition, the jurisprudence under the Supremacy Clause has
said that in the event of a conflict, state law must at all times
yield to federal law. This is called preemption.
There are two instances where preemption actually comes into play.
One is called "actual conflict," where there is a clear
and direct actual conflict between a federal statute and a state
statute. And in those instances, the federal law simply preempts
state law. The other instance is called "conflicting objectives,"
where even if on their faces these laws do not directly conflict,
it would be impossible to comply with both. Here, the federal
law or regulation stands.
There is a circumstance where the federal courts will allow a
state law or county law to stand in the face of a federal law.
This happens when a state or county law supplements a federal
law. So for instance, if there is a federal antidiscrimination
law, then there can be a similar state law. Obviously, there
can be state and local laws regulating areas where the federal
law is silent.
In general , where the federal government has ownership of land,
the federal government certainly can decide how that land is used.
Even in instances where the county owns land, the county can
be constrained by federal regulation. For instance, let us say
that the county wants to open a toxic waste dump, and there is
a federal law that deals with how toxic materials are disposed
of. The federal government can prevent the county government
from using that land in a matter that violates federal law.
But there are obviously limits. The federal government certainly
does not have the right to bulldoze city hall. The federal government,
in fact, is also constrained by the Constitution. It cannot take
property without due process, for example. But much of this tension
comes about where the government basically licenses private individuals
to use government land in a certain way - for example, licensing
ranchers to have cattle graze in a certain area. But the federal
government, just like any other land owner, has the right to relinquish
a license if it chooses for reasons having to do with inappropriate
use or violation of the conditions of the license.
In March 1996, Nye County in Nevada lost a court case against
the federal government involving its claim to control federal
land. This claim is a recent episode in Nevada's so-called Sagebrush
Rebellion, which began in 1979 after the Nevada legislature passed
laws claiming control over all public lands in Nevada. In 1993
Nye County passed a similar resolution, the legality of which
was just rejected.
About three dozen other western counties in the United States
are challenging the authority of federal agencies to enforce regulations
on federal land. But, generally, these claims have no constitutional
merit.
Many antigovernment extremists argue that U.S. membership in the
United Nations is treasonous, for reasons which are not clear
to me; but this is a common charge. Referring again to the Supremacy
Clause of the U.S. Constitution, which also makes duly-ratified
treaties the law of the land in the United States, how would you
respond?
Given the provision of the Supremacy Clause that addresses treaties,
and given that the U.N. Charter is a treaty that was signed by
the President of the United States and ratified by the U.S. Senate
in accordance with the ratification requirements of the Constitution,
U.S. membership in the United Nations is not treasonous. Our
membership in the United Nations is fully and legally valid under
the Constitution. There isn't any question among legal scholars
about this.
But many antigovernment extremists argue that U.S. membership
in the United Nations is an infringement on the sovereignty of
the United States, and on the rights of American citizens. Basically,
however, a treaty is similar in force to federal law. If a state
law or county law conflicts with a treaty, that state or county
law will have to yield. But a treaty cannot take away someone's
constitutional guarantees, such as freedom of speech or religion,
or the right to vote. So our membership in the United Nations
is not treasonous, and the Constitution prevents the United Nations
or any other international body from infringing on the fundamental
rights of American citizens on American soil.
What motivates people to join leaderless resistance cells and
prepare for a war of insurrection against the federal government,
one could read the Declaration of Independence to find this inspiration.
For example, here is what it reads in part:
That when ever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these
ends, it is the right of the People to alter or abolish it, and
to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles,
and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem
most likely to effect their safety and happines.
Here is another sentence from the Declaration of Independence:
But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably
the same Object, evinces a design to reduce them under the absolute
Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such
Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security.
The Declaration of Independence addresses the tyrannical English
government's treatment of the colonies, and the grievances cited
in the Declaration began the process that led to our Constitution,
which contains the checks and balances and the protections that
the colonists did not have to protect them from government abuse.
The Declaration of Independence confers no rights or privileges
to any citizen today. It is a very important document historically,
in the sense that it effected our dissolution from the Crown.
For this reason it is very significant. But the Constitution,
not the Declaration of Independence, is the document from which
all laws and rights in this country receive their validity.
When they cite the Declaration of Independence, is more of a philosophical
claim than a legal one. But even in the philosophical realm,
it is an illegitimate claim. The remedy to the grievances found
in the Declaration of Independence is the Constitution. The Constitution
is the lawful framework in which the grievances listed in the
Declaration were remedied. All of our laws, institutions, and
procedures by which we govern ourselves today, reside and rest
in the Constitution.
Is the common law courts movement the "judicial"
wing of the antigovernment movement?
In some instances they are nothing more than sounding boards for
individuals or groups in the movement. But in some areas I think
they represent a significant threat.
The idea that individuals are vesting authority in themselves
to punish others under the force of law is not something that
we can tolerate in a civilized democratic society. We cannot
have private judicial fiefdoms springing up across the country.
This is anarchy, and obviously not representative of a legitimate
judicial system.
Certainly they have a First Amendment right to have a mock court
hearing. But they have no right to require someone to appear
before them, to try to impose their mandate on anyone, or otherwise
assert that their hearings have the force of law.
To the extent that someone wants to make a political statement
by conducting a parody of something, they can do that. People
are permitted to do a lot of idiotic things. But if they try
to enforce what they are doing, at that point they are involved
in impersonating court officials. This is not permitted under
the First Amendment.
There have been several instances, including courts that have
issued rulings and threatened government officials.
If you impersonate a government official, or if you make a bogus
legal instrument, that is generally a crime. Common law courts
are prohibited by law from issuing subpoenas and warrants and
things of that nature. One cannot legally concoct a false, pseudo-official
document, and attempt to enforce it.
"Proceedings" that resemble peaceful protest are protected.
Attempts to enforce bogus judicial rulings that might arise
out of this protest are definitely not protected.
The Constitution mandates that the Supreme Court shall be the
highest court in the land, and that the Congress can establish
lower courts. Certainly states have the ability in our dual sovereign
system to have their own courts.
The Ten Commandments, the Magna Carta, and the Declaration of
Independence are not legal instruments that convey any kind of
legal authority. They are certainly meaningful historical and
philosophical documents. But they are not legal instruments for
our governmental system.
Traditionally, terrorists have preferred bombs. But recently
we have seen plots involving the use of toxins and pathogens.
We have seen antigovernment extremists in possession of ricin
and other types of toxic substances, such as bubonic plague and
cyanide. The manufacture and dissemination of these dangerous
substances are outlined in the literature that permeates the antigovernment
movement. Given the accessibility of these substances, and the
threats to use them, I think we have a very serious problem on
our hands.
In some respects, the federal government has recognized the increasing
threat of domestic terrorism, including the use of chemical and
biological toxins.
Let me talk about anthrax for a second. Anthrax is a virus that,
if released through an aerosol disbursant in any major city, could
result in hundreds of thousands of fatalities within days. So
I think that we have to wake up and realize this could happen
unless we begin to take some proactive measures to address this
threat. For example, it is not impossible, or even that difficult,
to gain possession of a small amount of anthrax. And even a very
small amount of anthrax would be enough to cause the kinds of
fatalities that I just described. So, clearly, we need to tighten
up laws that govern the possession, transport, and controls on
anthrax, ricin and other pathogens and toxins.
But we still lack an appreciation of the threat that exists.
There is a heavy and ingrained glorification of violence in this
movement, and attacks on infrastructure targets, such as dams,
power stations, transportation and communications systems, as
well as symbolic targets, such as national monuments and landmarks,
are glorified. And attacks on these kinds of targets have been
attempted in some places. In other words the lifelines and national
symbols of our country are vulnerable to very serious assault
terrorists using either explosives or toxins.
In the book, The Turner Diaries, which Timothy McVeigh
allegedly read avidly and sold at gun shows, infrastructure facilities
and federal buildings were attacked by domestic terrorists. I
do not think that it really takes a seer to realize that there
are more bombers of federal buildings and infrastructure targets
out there.
In Minnesota, four members of a Patriots council were charged
with an attempt to poison federal government officials with ricin,
one of the most dangerous toxins known.
In November of 1995, a member of the Aryan Nations was convicted
of ordering bubonic plague from a private laboratory, for which
he paid only $240.
In Arkansas, a survivalist was charged with possessing 130 grams
of ricin, which is enough to kill about fourteen hundred people.
in addition to incidents with these toxic agents, there were a
number of bombing plots that took place throughout 1995. These
plots involved federal buildings and other federal targets, but
were thwarted by federal agents before these targets were actually
attacked. It is almost inevitable, however, that some of these
plots will not be prevented.
Committing acts of terrorism is part of the ideology of these
groups. This terrorist mission is glorified in The Turner
Diaries and by Louis Beam, the former Klansman and now paramilitary
activist. So, yes, the leaderless cells are terrorist organizations
who are preparing to commit acts of terrorism in the United States.
The idea of leaderless resistance is a growing part of the ideological
culture of the antigovernment movement. It advocates taking things
into your hands and doing what you can to cause havoc to the government
and its affiliated institutions and agencies.
There is also an important practical aspect to the leaderless
cells. From a practical standpoint, leaderless cells insulate
the overall movement from collective criminal or civil liability,
and it also makes these small groups harder to detect and infiltrate
by law enforcement.
We have people in office right now across the country who are
supporting laws, advocated by militia members, that would legalize
militia activity. A bill that would have the effect of legalizing
militia organizing and paramilitary training, and so far it has
passed the House Judiciary Committee in the Alabama legislature.
On the federal level, there are some members of the current Congress,
recently elected to office, who have demonstrated support for
the extreme antigovernment agenda of militia groups.
If you want to peer into the future, look at such things as the
numerous terrorist attacks in the Middle East, the Tokyo subway
attacks with poison sarin gas, and the terrorist attacks that
have taken place in London, in addition to the bombing of the
federal building in Oklahoma City. The question in my mind is
not whether there will be additional brutal terror attacks in
the United States, but when and where they will take place, and
how bad they will be. The conditions that are present right now
pose a serious threat of escalation of domestic terrorism in this
country.